When we talk about crime, it’s so easy to get caught up in dramatic headlines or cold statistics. But if we really want to unpack what is going on behind all of that, we have to pause and ask ourselves a few honest questions. Is crime actually an increasing phenomenon? What social factors influence people to perform criminal acts? And at a national level, how is it perceived and what factors produce it? If we narrow our focus to get to the core of the matter, one question really stands out: what social factors influence people to commit criminal acts? To make sense of something so broad, we naturally end up looking at smaller, everyday dynamics—asking ourselves whether the family environment influences criminal behavior, whether there are genuinely more criminal acts in vulnerable settings, or how school absenteeism plays into the whole equation.
Now, traditionally, a lot of research approaches this topic through a quantitative, empirical-analytical lens. And that makes sense to a point: sending out surveys, whether by email or online databases, lets us capture a wide view, using statistical numbers to describe trends and map out potential cause-and-effect relationships. In our country (Chile), for instance, quantitative data often points toward a rising concern over crime, a shared public opinion condemning illegal acts, and a widespread feeling of community frustration with the justice system. But if we only look at numbers, we risk missing the human side of the story. That is why weaving in a qualitative sociological perspective becomes so vital. Numbers can tell us how often something happens, but qualitative sociology invites us to ask how people actually live through those environments and what meanings they attach to their actions. It isn't about claiming absolute truths, but rather offering thoughtful interpretations of how social structures, local cultures, and personal paths cross paths.
So, what do we actually mean when we talk about crime? Broadly speaking, we can think of it as a form of social deviance—an action harmful to others that carries a formal penalty or legal sanction attached to it (Ecured, 2015). Under that wide umbrella, specific offenses vary, ranging from murder and various forms of theft to fraud, sexual crimes, or terrorism. Legally speaking, a criminal is simply anyone who commits an offense defined by law (Real Academia Española, 2018). But people rarely fit into flat definitions. When individuals gather over time to commit offenses as a team, we start talking about organized crime (FiscalĂa de Chile, 2019). And if we look across various criminological studies (Ayestaran, 2018), certain shared background traits keep popping up—things like unfavorable economic conditions, fragmented or non-existent family structures, substance abuse issues, or living in environments with a history of violence and crime.
From a criminal law standpoint, there is often a split focus between the external physical behavior and the internal psychological motives (Ayestaran, 2018). But sociologically, those inner motives are deeply bound up with external, everyday social realities. Identifying crimes through the law helps the justice system apply proportional sanctions and build legal jurisprudence (Real Academia Española, 2018), yet formal punishment alone doesn't prevent crime. True prevention lies much more in social and political investments—strengthening education, sports, and culture—alongside protective policing.
In Chile, crime is widely felt as a deeply troubling and disruptive reality tied to poverty and shifting population flows. When poverty and constant population movement collide, informal social controls tend to weaken. Families face heavy strain, adult supervision over youth becomes harder to maintain, and community solidarity networks can fray. This brings to mind classic ideas like the Broken Windows theory, discussed by OlavarrĂa (2008) in urban violence studies, where visible signs of physical disorder in public spaces signal a lack of community care, inadvertently inviting further crime. As Cadena (2018) points out in studies on high-connotation crimes in Chile, crime isn't just an abstract news item; it becomes a palpable presence in people’s daily housing and work environments, raising the fear of victimization and directly hurting their quality of life.
When we try to understand what draws someone into a criminal trajectory, it is rarely a single choice made in a vacuum. Instead, we can interpret it through three main social spheres. First, the family system, which provides the primary horizon and life example for a young person. Second, school absenteeism—when youth disengage from school, they lose more than just academic lessons; without developing intellectual skills, they struggle to find long-term work, feeling like a burden and often drifting toward older peers who offer a different view of survival. And third, the immediate relational environment, where youth, wanting to avoid social marginalization, may follow dominant figures in their group. This marginalization can take shape either as non-marginalized avoidance—being left out without direct conflict—or active rejection that explicitly pushes the individual to the margins.
On top of these social spheres, psychological and situational dynamics play an important role. Beyond rational insecurity during decision-making, there is situational insecurity, which Equipo editorial (2018) describes as a state where a person explains their context through external forces. This leads to a drop in motivation, a feeling of helplessness, and a search for immediate reinforcement—which is often sought through illegal acts.
On top of these social spheres, psychological and situational dynamics play an important role. Beyond rational insecurity during decision-making, there is situational insecurity, which Equipo editorial (2018) describes as a state where a person explains their context through external forces. This leads to a drop in motivation, a feeling of helplessness, and a search for immediate reinforcement—which is often sought through illegal acts.
On top of these social spheres, psychological and situational dynamics play an important role. Beyond rational insecurity during decision-making, there is situational insecurity, which Equipo editorial (2018) describes as a state where a person explains their context through external forces. This leads to a drop in motivation, a feeling of helplessness, and a search for immediate reinforcement—which is often sought through illegal acts.
Looking back at all of this, sociology and social psychology can work hand in hand, sharing data and concepts to enrich our understanding. As social researchers, our goal isn't to project personal biases or demand strict objectivity as if human life were a simple mechanical formula. Instead, by grounding ourselves in established concepts and listening to both numbers and lived experiences, we can offer well-founded, neutral interpretations that help us unravel these complex social problems without jumping to rigid conclusions.
-Ayestaran, K. (2018, January 14). GuĂa de CriminologĂa. Monografias.com. https://www.monografias.com/trabajos86/guia-criminologia/guia-criminologia.shtml
-Cadena, P. (2018). Factores determinantes de los Delitos de Mayor ConnotaciĂłn Social en la RegiĂłn Metropolitana. Análisis en base a un modelo de regresiĂłn logĂstica. PolĂtica criminal, 13(26).
-Ecured. (2015, January 25). Crimen. https://www.ecured.cu/Crimen
-Equipo editorial. (2018, May 23). Factores que influyen en la delincuencia. PsicologĂa-Online. https://www.psicologia-online.com/factores-que-influyen-en-la-delincuencia-psicologia-social-2218.html
-FiscalĂa de Chile. (2019, September 5). Crimen Organizado y lavado de dinero. http://www.fiscaliadechile.cl/Fiscalia/areas/organizado.jsp
-OlavarrĂa, M. (2008). Crimen y violencia urbana. Aportes de la ecologĂa del delito al diseño de polĂticas pĂşblicas. Revista INVI, 23, 19–59.
-Real Academia Española. (2018). Diccionario de la lengua española (22nd ed.). https://dle.rae.es/
This piece grew out of a two-semester university elective in Criminology—a year of study that fundamentally expanded how I view human behavior and criminal trajectories. Diving into the literature opened my eyes to dynamics I hadn't fully weighed before, from subtle sociodemographic pressures and family strain to mental health and emotional distress within vulnerable contexts. While the original research was initially framed through a strict quantitative lens, this version reflects a shift toward qualitative sociology: stepping back from cold numbers to explore the lived experiences, meanings, and complex human realities behind the statistics.